সভ্যও নহেন―কংগ্রেস জনগণের প্রতিনিধি; তিনি জনগণের সেবক (Servant of the People), তাই কংগ্রেসেরও তিনি সেবকমাত্র! এমন সত্যনিষ্ঠা ৰা সত্যবাদিতা সত্যই দুর্ল্লভ! গান্ধী কংগ্রেসের দাস, কংগ্রেস গান্ধীর দাস নয়! এ সকলের একমাত্র অর্থ,―ব্রিটিশের সহিত কোন গুরুতর সংঘর্ষ না ঘটে, ইহাই ছিল গান্ধীর সবচেয়ে ভাবনার বিষয়। ইহার প্রমাণস্বরূপ আমি এই গ্রন্থ হইতে আরও কিছু উদ্ধৃতি করিব―নহিলে পরে আমার মূল প্রতিপাদ্যটি সুদৃঢ় হইবে না। সুভাষচন্দ্র লিখিয়াছেন―
“When the writer visited the Mahatma in May 1928. at his Ashram at Sabarmati, he reported to him the public enthusiasm which he met with in many provinces and begged him to come out of his retirement and give a lead to the country. At that time the reply of the Mahatma was that he did not see any light, though before his eyes the peasantry of Bardoli were demonstrating through no-tax campaign that they were ready for a struggle. (P. 208).
The Calcutta Congress coming after the Madras Congress was in the nature of an anticlimax. There was tremendous enthusiasm all over the country at that time and every one had expected the congress to act boldly. But while the county was ready the leaders were not. The Mahatma unfortunately for his countrymen did not see light” (P 222)
The response made by the country to the Congress appeal in 1932 and 1933 inspite of lack of preparation, in spite of the sudden arrest of the organisers and financiers of the party early in January 1932, and in spite of the diversion caused by the Mahatma's fast in Septembor, 1932 and the anti-touchability campaign thereafter―can by no means be regarded as unsatisfactory. Nevertheless, the country was startled one fine morning in May to hear that the Mahatma had suspended the Civil-Disobedience campaign. (Pp. 361-62)
