733 বাংলাদেশের স্বাধীনতা যুদ্ধ দলিলপত্রঃ চতুর্দশ খন্ড Bengali ruling class with the Bengali. His only, aim being to gain greater economic rights for the Bengali bourgeoisie, Mujib had till the last refrained from demanding an independent Bangladesh; when he did so it was more at the pressure of Some younger elements within the party than anything else. But all the time he was hoping to have an agreement with Yahya. As the talks dragged on it was a sad Mujib who remarked in desperation that if the Army continued to be intransigent than ultimately the Communists would take over the leadership of the movement. His anticommunism is well known. A practical politician, he knew that his party was neither organizationally nor ideologically prepared for a long-drawn struggle. Perhaps he was also able to realize that a national liberation struggle could not sucked without active participation by the Communists. And today, accounts from Bangladesh suggest, his fears are about to come true. Mujib's fears are also shared by the Indian Government which explains its hesitation in supplying the much sought for arms to the Mukti Fouz Delhi must have known by now that the Awami League on its own will not be able to deliver the goods in Bangladesh. And Mrs. Gandhi and her supporters are in no hurry to see arms falling into the hands of "undesirable elements" and maybe later finding their way back on this side of the border. The Government is in no position to take any action in Bangladesh without considering the possible impact in West Bengal. On the other hand Delhi, because of its relations with Islamabad cannot hope to mediate for a peaceful settlement and see the Awami League in power in Bangladesh. It is also doubtful whether Delhi is entirely comfortable in a situation where an anti-centre slogan has been raised with such force. Like Mujib, Indira also seems to be in a fix. Meanwhile the Communists in Bangladesh are active. The underground. Purba Bangla Communist Party, led by Abdul Motin, Alauddin Ahmad, Tipu Biswas and others, which is somewhat akin to the CPI (M) in West Bengal, is conducting guerrilla war in Bogra, Rajshahi Chittagong, Mymensingh, Comilla and Pabna. It had considerable influence among the working class and the peasantry; proof of this is the magnificent resistance to the Pakistani forces by about 40,000 dock workers in Chittagong. The PBCP has a close ally the Co-ordination Committee of Zaffar Menon and others who are very active among the militant students. The National Awami Party led by Maulana Bhasani is also working on similar lines in Mymensingh, Rangpur, Sylhet, Rajshahi and elsewhere. A disadvantage at present felt by the Communists is the campaign against them which the Awami League had carried on for many years now; the EPR, the East Bengal Police and the East Bengal Regiment people also have little love lost for them. However, in a protracted struggle it is the people who ultimately count and there is little chance of the Communists losing their support. The Purba Pakistan Communist Party (ML), led by Mohammed Toaha, the former general secretary of the pro-Bhasani NAP and now a Maoist, enjoys a strong base in Jessore and Khulna; even conservative estimates put the party's committed supporters at 10,000. The Maoists are, however, lying low at the moment. For one thing they are not prepared to expose their trained fighters at this stage of the movement. But the possibility of their joining hands with the PBCP in forming a National Liberation Front is not entirely ruled out by competent political observers in Bangladesh. A redeeming feature is
