envisaged in the Lahore Resolution was the whole of Bengal and Assam which could have been an autonomous province as it would have had industries and large economic resources. It could not have been anticipated at that stage that the former Bengal and Punjab provinces would be divided and Pakistan would get, as its eastern half, the unindustrialized portion of Bengal. The partition of these provinces was a later development arising from the last minute efforts of the majority community of undivided India to avoid partition of the sub-continent. If, at the time of the Lahore Resolution, it could have been foreseen that ultimately a division would take place and that the present East Pakistan would be the only portion of Pakistan in the East, the Muslim League would not have thought of regarding it as an autonomous province because, without industrial development, it is impossible for East Pakistan to sustain itself as an independent unit. At the time the Lahore Resolution was passed. partition of the sub- continent into two independent countries was not within the pale of practical politics. It seems to us extremely unwise and unrealistic to insist on a literal following of the said Resolution regardless of whether the present units of Pakistan can develop themselves, and manage their own affairs, without a strong Centre.
70. There has been, even in countries which have a strictly federal form, a general tendency towards increasing the powers of the Central Government. This is noticeable in the United States, Australia, Canada and Switzerland. It is so, because, for working successfully a programme of economic development, concentration of power should be in the Centre as that alone can be regarded as a unit in the international field. There are several projects undertaken in Pakistan in both the wings, which are being financed from loans taken from foreign countries. If the Centre had only limited powers confined to the three subjects stated above, these projects could not have been started. The Centre must have the power to control the working out of these projects and then alone it would be a position to deal with the other countries which have come to our help. If each province has to deal with development on its own, it would not be practicable to obtain assistance from outside, because neither East nor West Pakistan by itself would be in a position to enter into agreements with other nations. Wherever economic planning is urgently required as in Pakistan, it is impracticable to have a form of government with autonomous units joined together for a limited purpose. The extreme view, of limiting the powers of the Centre to three subjects, we think, has been largely influenced by the doubt and suspicion entertained against West Pakistan and also by the insidious and unremitting propaganda carried on by the subversive elements which are hostile to Pakistan. That the extreme view is based more on passion than on reason is seen from the fact that one of the witnesses who expressed it in East Pakistan, while admitting, that in the past, the Centre was helping that province in times of need, added that, in his opinion, it could get on without such help and that, after all, it should depend on itself to become self-sufficient. IIc further stated that he was not despondent about the capacity of East Pakistan to manage its affairs without guidance or support from the Centre. This altitude is surcharged with emotion but we understand the feelings of the witness as we are fully aware of the background of doubt and suspicion, to which we have already referred. We have no reason to doubt his sincerity but we shall be failing in our duty if we do not keep our approach to the question realistic, rational and impartial. Neither East nor West
