exchange reserves and it had slowed. Down onf its debt service payments even before it had threatened an over default. With resort to these expedients it expedients it was clear if Pakistan had as yet come to the point where their capacity to sustain an acceptable level of current imports and consumption at least into West Pakistan had indeed addressed itself to blocking the pipeline as well as withholding new aid pledges. But our attempts to convince donors to cut off already pledged aid was less successful since it was claimed by donors that this raised various legal problems with potential supplies.
Thus the impact of our campaign on Pakistan was more political and psychological than a tangible restraint on their actions. But they were all along on a fairly tight leash on the economic front and made to feel that the noose around their neck was drawing tight as the days went by without any further aid pledges. Had the liberation war been further prolonged there is little doubt that Pakistan would have faced a sufficiently severe economic crisis to had a direct impact on the economy and people of West Pakistan.
In my last visit to paris in November to monitor the final consortium meeting held there to service the 'old' Pakistan. I had special privilege of meeting with the distinguished French Nobel Laureate. Andre Malraux. We had earlier on read in the press that Malraux had publicly proclaimed his support for Bangladesh cause and had pledged that he would mobilize some of his former colleagues from the French war of resistance against the Germans, to join him in extending their services to the Mukti Bahini. Malraux was himself over 70 and not in good health so it was not clear how far this offer had practical possibilities. But Daniel Thornier felt that an official representative of the Bangladesh of the Bangladesh government I should at least call on him to communicate our appreciation for his gesture.
Daniel took me to Malraux's residence on the outskirts of paris where I had the privilege of meeting this great man for the first time. Malraux spoke with great passion. He indicated that since the Spanish civil war, where he was a pilot who flew in the service of the Rupublic, he had never been so strongly moved over The affairs of a country other than own. IIc felt so committed to the justice of the Bangladesh cause that inspite of his advanced years and ill health he was willing to draw upon the services of ex-resistance fighters who had responded to his call to join him in fighting for Bangladesh. He indicated that they could provide valuable skills in matters of explosives and communications which were an essential element in any guerilla war. He was willing to take out such a team, fully equipped with explosives and communications equipment, to serve with the Mukti Bahini. He then involved me in an extensive down to carth technical discussion on the needs of the Mukti Bahini in this area and the practical problems of his involvement in the war. In this area I was regrettably somewhat under qualified to advise him. But I extended the sincere gratitude of the people and government of Bangladesh for his gesture and promised to convey his commitment to the Bangladesh government. Apart from his pledge to intervene directly he also promised to speak with former colleagues in the Gaullist cabinet to use his influence in seeing that France supplied no further arms to Pakistan. This had indeed been suspended because of Pakistan's failure to service its debt. It would appear that in the matter of arms sales the
