tactics when applied against the populace, have turned most Bengalis into Mukti Bahini supporters: when I asked people whether they wanted to remain part of Pakistan or create a new state of Bangladesh, almost all answered, “Bangladesh."
Even some unlikely people expressed hope for an autonomous Bangladesh. At a ferry crossing on the outskirts of the capital city of Dacca, I asked a young man who worked for the government what he thought would be best for the people. “I am not allowed to say,” he replied at first. But reassured that he would not be named. lie mumbled in a low voice, “Bangladesh should be independent, of course. All of us feel that way.” And seemingly thousands do. For while green and white Pakistani flags flutter over even the most wretched huts, and peasants everywhere make a point of wearing sarongs and shirts in the national colors, several people whispered to me that they did so only to deceive the razakars into thinking they favored the government.
Like the Americans in South Vietnam, the Pakistani command seems dangerously unaware of the real sentiments and loyalties of the population. The official insistence that all was going well was reflected in the remarks of Gen. A. A. K. Niazi, the eastern sector commander. The rebels were no serious problem-"we have the razakars to take care of them” the shelling from India's troops massed just across the border was not a great threat -"My men are not worried; as long as they are in their bunkers, they can relax, even play cards.” And as for the report that Mukti Bahini leaders were calling on Bengalis to take their fight, into the streets of Dacca, Niazi insisted that he would relish such a move. “I wish they would do it.” he told me, “My tanks are only a few miles from the city.” Then, referring to the repression of the Bengalis revolt last March, he added, “They saw then what we can do and we will do it again if need be."
What the genera) does not seem to appreciate is the steady deterioration of internal security and the degree of organisation of the Mukti Bahini. By last week, the government had lost control of 25 per cent of the police stations in East Pakistan. A number of distinct commissioners are tacitly co-operating with the guerrillas and much of the area north of Dacca itself is controlled outright by the Mukti Bahini. 1 personally was contacted by a Mukti Bahini representative within 30 minutes of checking into my hotel in Dacca-despite tight Police security. The rebels have established a disciplined network carefully organized into teams-some assigned to collect taxes and organise bank robberies others designated as saboteurs, still others coldly carmarked to be assassins.
The harsh truth about Bengali resistance are being concealed not only from the area's civil governor, A. M. Malik, but from President Yahya himself. They are both convinced that the Pakistani Army is effectively and honorably fighting the guerrillas. Yet highly knowledgeable foreign observer accuses the soldiers of atrocities. Ostensibly in pursuit of a rebels, army troops recently surrounded the village of Demora (where the Mukti Bahini had never been), raped all the women between 12 and 35 and shot all the men older than 12. Only days later, Pakistani gunboats swept up the river at Chalna, sinking fishing boats and shooting the fishermen as they swam for safety. All this accomplishes to make resistance in East Pakistan more extreme, more dedicated than ever. The majority of the people are already anxious to break away from Pakistan, while army commanders-
